We are aware that such an extension, unless carefully circumscribed to
accomplish the purposes of the privilege, could pose a significant risk of
expanding to a large swath of the executive branch a privilege that is bottomed
on a recognition of the unique role of the President. In order to limit this risk, the
presidential communications privilege should be construed as narrowly as is
consistent with ensuring that the confidentiality of the President’s
decisionmaking process is adequately protected. Not every person who plays a
role in the development of presidential advice, no matter how remote and
removed from the President, can qualify for the privilege. In particular, the
privilege should not extend to staff outside the White House in executive branch
agencies. Instead, the privilege should apply only to communications authored
or solicited and received by those members of an immediate White House
advisor’s staff who have broad and significant responsibility for investigation
and formulating the advice to be given the President on the particular matter to
which the communications relate. Only communications at that level are close
enough to the President to be revelatory of his deliberations or to pose a risk to
the candor of his advisers. See AAPS, 997 F.2d at 910 (it is “operational
proximity” to the President that matters in determining whether “[t]he President’s
confidentiality interests” is implicated)
Of course, the privilege only applies to communications that these advisers and
their staff author or solicit and receive in the course of performing their function
of advising the President on official government matters. This restriction is
particularly important in regard to those officials who exercise substantial
independent authority or perform other functions in addition to advising the
President, and thus are subject to FOIA and other open government statutes. See
Armstrong v. Executive Office of the President, 90 F.3d 553, 558 (D.C. Cir.
1996), cert denied — U.S. — -, 117 S.Ct. 1842, 137 L. Ed.2d 1046 (1997). The
presidential communications privilege should never serve as a means of shielding
information regarding governmental operations that do not call ultimately for
direct decisionmaking by the President. If the government seeks to assert the
presidential communications privilege in regard to particular communications of
these “dual hat” presidential advisers, the government bears the burden of
proving that the communications occurred in conjunction with the process of
advising the President.